Table of Contents Part
1: Components of Ceremony 'Epa, Apei,
and Päega: Ceremonial Mats Death
and Funerals Rotuman
Indigenous Spirituality |
Modern
Marriage Customs Sok
fäeag ta: The negotiation
A
chief or any near relative of the boy goes to the girl's parents to
tell them that they wish her to be the wife of the boy they represent.
If the parents agree, the süf hani comes next. Süf
han ta: The proposal
This
occasion can be initiated with gifts of kava
(fia' he) or a koua. Chiefs are required at this stage. The boy's side
needs someone to carry the kava or koua,
while the chiefs walk in front to the girl's house and enter through
the back door. The girl's side prepares breakfast or refreshments.
The chiefs and the girl's parents agree on the date of the wedding
and how it is to be performed: re faksu, in a grand way including all marriage rituals,
or kat re faksu ra, a scaled-down event.
The bride-to-be comes into the house to shake hands with the chiefs
so that they can see her. Then breakfast is eaten and sometimes the
koua from the boy's side is shared. The
boy's party goes back to his parents' place, where his relatives have
gathered to wait for the news. The girl's relatives gather at the
site of the süf hani. These u'u
(close relatives) can be relied on to help make mats and provide food
for the wedding. The women on each side discuss the wedding day, and
the han puer su chooses who is to produce
the various items needed, such as fau
mats, 'at fara, farao ta, paag ri, [1]
taga, [2]
mosquito nets, bedspread, and osi.
Many people may be called on to help; some people volunteer without
being asked. When the men and women gather again on the day of fao
te prior to the wedding day (see no. 6 below), the han
puer su announces (marag) which
girls and women will fill the various roles during the wedding: servers,
kava girls, ra'u (supporters, two women who sit behind the bride
and groom to help them), mafua, those
who will put up the paag ri, and han
mane'ak su. Knowing their roles ahead of time, the girls and
women can come prepared on the wedding day with whatever equipment
they need (for instance, the servers bring knives, fans, banana leaves,
and tea towels). Likewise,
on each side a man known as the fa puer su
is in charge of the men's work. He encourages the men to prepare a
lot of food; this is especially important for the kau
fa (groom's side), because their koua
is displayed in front of the ri hapa at the wedding. During
the colonial period, all this discussion took place at another gathering,
called the tar 'inoso (waiting for the couple, which took place
after fa' as ta; see below). First
the couple went to the groom's place and had a feast; then they went
to the bride's place for another feast. All the close relatives on
each side were invited to the respective tar
'inoso, and they all knew that it meant they had responsibilities
for the wedding. Later, a European Resident Commissioner stopped this
practice, considering it too expensive. The
people who are doing the work prefer that the bride's parents set
the date far in advance, to give them a chance to make their items;
this is especially true of the women who plait the mats. The people
who come to the süf hani tell
their relatives to come with them as sal hapa
(one of the bride's or groom's major kin groups) to the fao
te; these people are likely to receive mats as thanks after
the wedding. If there are not enough mats for all of them, they do
not mind because these people are such close relatives. If
the wedding is big, the parents can send the public announcement (foar
su) to other relatives who live in distant places. In case
of a small wedding, they do not have the foar
su, although other people may come if they want to. Fa'
as ta: Posting the banns
Before
fa' as ta, the bride and groom must
obtain a letter of approval from their respective district chiefs
(fa 'es itu'u). They themselves have
to go together to each chief for his advice and blessings. The day
of the fa' as ta the boy's side prepares
a newly sewn set of clothes (osi) for
the bride-to-be and a koua for her
and her companions. Some female friends or relatives act as chaperones,
accompanying her to the government station to wait while the couple
register the banns. After posting the banns, they go to the boy's
home where the bride is given her osi
and changes into the new outfit. [3]
The boy's side serves lunch and provides a koua
for the girl to take home to her family (a'aragi).
Her female friends each take a basket of food ('afa)
from the koua back to their own homes. Fai
ran ta: Confirming the date
The boy's side has to provide a koua
of fai rani and take it to the girl's
home to confirm the date for the marriage ceremony. The girl's parents
have the right to confirm the date agreed to on süf
hani day or change the date if they wish. Usually, they confirm
the original date. Saio'
su ta: Informing the district chief
The
couple's elders approach the fa 'es itu'u
to inform him of the date and to ask for his assistance and support
(na'ia 'on te fakgagaja). The invitation
carries the implicit expectation that he will provide what is expected.
Each side goes to their own chief and brings either a koua
or money (approximately equivalent to the cost of a pig, depending
on how much they can afford). If they bring a koua, a titled person such as their village headman (fa 'es ho'aga) should accompany them and do the talking
on their behalf. If they take money instead of koua,
they don't need a chief to go with them or to speak on their behalf;
under these circumstances they do their own talking. (If they do not
saio' su, the chief is very disappointed [kokono] and does not attend the wedding, so it does not
conform to proper custom.) The chief knows that on the appointed day
(fao te), he has to take something to the kohea as his portion to help (a pig and raw food to be
baked in the nuj koua); his wife (or
someone else appointed to be the 'a su)
goes with a la'o (women bringing an apei
and some 'epa). The
pig and raw food the chief provides (his la'o)
together with the mats he and his 'a su
bring, is called 'on te fakgagaja. In return, the chief (with his wife)
receives the best of the apei (called
mamasa), mats,[4]
and cooked food including a pig (te'eita).
(What the family gives the chief is also called 'on
te fakgagaja. It is called 'on te fakgagaja
in both instances, when given by or to a chief.) The
bride's side carries the best apei
in front of all others is the best one, and sets it aside for the
'a su. While this apei
is still folded, one of the two women spreading the white mats in
front of the 'a su, chiefs, bride,
and groom for their inspection, stands up, bows slightly, and extends
it in the palms of her hand (iat'aki)
for the 'a su to look at. Then the
two women spread it out for others to see. They display it first,
followed by other white mats, during the fit'ak
te (apei display). After they display the white mats, they
fold and carry them away, the one for the 'a
su being the last folded. This apei
is known as the mamasa of the 'a
su. The groom's side takes it with other mats and the te'eita
to the district chief's home during the preparation of the wedding
feast. In
the case of a bridegroom who lives elsewhere, the groom's side sends
out the te'eita and mamasa
for the 'a su to the chief's place
before the groom's party moves to the wedding location. Therefore,
at the times of apei display (fit'ak te), the groom's side spreads the apei for inspection as usual, without the special one
to be shown to the 'a su (iat'ak). Fao
te: The Day Before the wedding
On
the day before the wedding (fao te), the couple's relatives bring mats, raw food,
and all the other items agreed on at the süf
hani to the parents of the bride and groom. The various sal
hapa (or la'o) come with their
gifts early in the morning, and there must be a koua
to feed them at noon. On each side, a female relative of the fa 'es ho'aga leads each sal
hapa; she carries an apei. Other
women accompany her, carrying mats; the chiefs and men follow with
the raw food and pigs, cartons of corned beef, and other foods for
the koua. After
lunch on the day of the fao te, most of the people return to their homes and
come back the next day, but relatives stay for the night. They prepare
the food for the wedding feast mostly during the night of fao
te. The men make the koua and
fekei while the women prepare food for an early breakfast.
This is a prime time for young men and women to become acquainted,
and possibly pair off during the dances held on the night of fao te. [5]
Teran
ne su ta: The Day of the Wedding
The
morning of the wedding the groom's party take to the chief's home
the te'eita, koua, and mats set aside
for the chief and 'a su. If the bride
and groom are from the same district, the chief awaits the groom's
party at the bride's home. He appoints a subchief to represent him
on the groom's side. The bride's party takes their te'eita
to the chief's house before the wedding feast. The
men from the groom's party set aside two koua,
a'vahiag su ta (koua
served at the conclusion of the wedding festivities) and koua
ne as ta, also called a'au (literally,
to follow). The groom's side does not take these to where the wedding
is held, but keeps them in the neighbourhood, and presents them one
by one after the wedding feast. La'
ne kau fa ta: Procession
of the groom's side
The
chief's wife or a close relative is the 'a
su (to lead; literally, to eat the wedding). The 'a
su is always a woman. She comes first in everything. If the
bride or the groom is from the currently ruling mosega,
the fa 'es itu'u may give her or him
the right of 'a su. This means they
can lead their own party. The 'a su leads the groom's procession, and behind her are
the groom, the best man (a recent innovation), and the women who carry
the apei, mats, pillows, bedspreads, and other items, including
the cloth for the paag ri. The men
with the kava and the koua follow the
women. A
woman mafua walks beside the groom to announce his arrival. As the procession
approaches the house (or nowadays the ri hapa,
a shelter built for the occasion), the male mafua from the bride's side who awaits them calls out:
"Kavo-o-o-o-o-o-o, marie', marie', marie'!"
This refers to the small kava (kav hu suep
heta) being carried at the front of the men. The
whole party assumes a crouching position prior to the announcement
of their arrival. The groom's mafua greets the bride, who is sitting on the päega, and her chiefs. Then on behalf of the groom
she asks permission to enter the ri hapa.
She calls out: "Kalog, han gate' . . . noa'ia 'e
nohnoho ma 'aitu, han gate', ma te' ne 'au fau gagaj ne mia'mia' 'e
laloag ri hap ta'ag, usia' te' ofiofua." (Sirs;
greetings to the bride . . . thank you for living a godly life; greetings
to the 'a su; greetings to all the
chiefs who are sitting under the shed; that is all.) The
female mafua of the bride's 'a su
responds, inviting the groom's party in: "Kalog,
han gate', fa gate', ma te' ne 'au fau gagaj 'atakoa heta'ag, mas
ne laam se laloag ri hap te'."
(Sirs; greetings to the 'a su; greetings
to the bridegroom, and to all of you; do come into this shelter.) After
this the groom's party stands up; the 'a su
enters first, and shakes hands with the bride; then the groom enters,
greets the bride, and goes straight to his seat on the päega
to the right of her. His 'a su takes
a seat beside him, off the päega. Once
the groom sits down, the apei bearers come. In the groom's procession, the apei bearers carry their own mats. They present their
apei by placing them in front of the päega, then shake hands with the bride and her chiefs
and settle down near the 'a su of the
groom. The mafua of the bride's 'a
su calls "Han gate'" to
every woman who carries in an apei. Apei always come first in the la'o
and are called filo' ne la' ta (the
head of the party). They are followed by 'eap
hapa (half-sized brown mats decorated with wool); agrua
fiti, if any; then by 'eap ma 'on faua
(brown mats without wool, twice the size of the 'eap
hapa). Then comes 'the tail' (reu ta),
the agrua 'double-size' mats. Collectively,
all the agrua
are called farao ta (pupui 'to cover the floor'). In a proper ceremony, the
agrua are always presented last. The
reason for doing this is that anytime mats are piled up ready for
a päega or a mosega,
the women from the groom's side spread the agrua
first as a base or farao ta, then place
the smaller mats ('eap ma 'on faua)
on them, followed by 'eap hapa, and
topped off by apei. This procedure derives from the respect that must
be shown to the mats on ceremonial occasions. It is not appropriate
to throw some mats aside while looking for the next one to come. (The
han puer su can direct the women to lay out some agrua, especially from the bride's side, for people to
sit on.) However, in Fiji and some parts of Rotuma, ceremonies have
taken place in which the groom's side presented agrua
immediately after the apei, and then
'eap ma 'on faua, and last 'eap
hapa. After
the mats come the women carrying the mosega:
mosquito net, pillows, bedspread, and a length of cloth for the paag
ri. The women carrying these items may dance as they process.
Accompanying them, at the end of the women, are the older women who
carry nothing but dance and clown as they come. The women from the
groom's side now decorate the ri hapa with the paag ri. The
chiefs from the groom's side lead the men who bring the kava and food.
The chiefs greet the couple and her chiefs, then proceed to the groom's
ri hapa to sit down. Next after the chiefs are the men carrying the kava: first,
kav hu suep heta (a very small kava plant); next kav ne 'a su ta (kava for the 'a
su of the kau fa); then another
kava for the fa 'es itu'u, to be served
in the ri hapa where he sits. After the kava come the baskets
of food (baked starchy roots) and the 'i'ini
(meats). The men from the groom's side bring whole roasted pigs on
sa'tui (coconut leaves woven together so that two men
can carry one pig) before the roasted pieces of beef, each wrapped
in coconut leaves and piled on a hata
made of poles with cross pieces and coconut leaves on it. They present
fekei moa (see below, in 'Ate
ta) and cartons of corned beef, followed by the fekei
(in fekei kopu). Then comes te mafathe
fruit (watermelons and pineapples in baskets), coconuts (these should
be tied together in twos, but for a big crowd they may be carried
in baskets) and last, sugar-cane (long poles of it). The food is laid
out nicely in front of the ri hapa,
especially the kau fa. They leave room for the bride's side (kau hani) to place their offerings later, when it is
nearly time to eat, so that the cooked food is nice and warm. Meanwhile
the groom's side cover their offerings with leaves (or tarpaulin)
to keep the flies off. After
the men who brought the food put it down, they go back to bring the
utu (the raw taro from the groom's
garden), plus a live pig, tied up. The men carry one taro each, going
back and forth to show just how many taro are being provided. They
must cover the pile of taro and the trussed-up pig with a brown mat
and an apei(fau
ne ut ta). The utu and the live
pig are food for the first few days when the groom is living with
his bride. This relieves him of the need to go to his garden to get
food. Whoever
comes first to the utu unties the pig (rau 'ikou)
and drags it away to be his or hers. (The pig is called rau 'ikou [taro leaves] because it is to be eaten with the taro when
cooked.) The person who takes this pig away should think twice, for
the pig is meant to be eaten with the taro in the utu.
Therefore the person should replace it with a carton of corned beef
or the monetary equivalent of the cost of the pig. [6]
Then
the groom's side presents the osi (clothes
for both the bride and groom), welcoming the bride. The couple change
clothes and are bedecked with tefui and perfumed. The
mafua from the groom's side then comes
to where the food is and announces that this is all that has been
brought: "Marie',
marie', marie'. Kalog, han gate', han gate', fa ne Saho'a he ma te'
ne 'au fau gagaj ne mia'mia' 'e lag ri hap ta'ag, usia' te' ofiofua;
marie', marie', marie'!"
(Greetings, 'a su, bride, district chief, subchiefs, any who wear
red inside the shelter, that is all; thank you, thank you, thank you!)
[7] Next
a male mafua from the bride's side comes forward to thank the
groom's party. The chiefs from both parties may then each deliver
a short speech. After that the bride's side presents the ös
te marä'e (change of clothes for the ceremonial ground),
Nowadays people bring money instead of clothes to the couple and tag
it onto their tefui or their clothes. The
han mane'ak su leads the dancing while
people wait for the time to go to church. The bride's side provide
the han mane'ak su with her costume
for the day, including her dress, titi, tefui,
ha' fali, and anything else she needs. Later, they thank her
with mats and food, and sometimes money. Meanwhile,
the groom's side removes all the 'epa
and takes them to a designated place (they have not displayed them
yet). The bride may change into her wedding gown (she goes inside
to do this), but the groom remains sitting on the päega.
Then he and his best man go to the church to wait for the bride. A
European-style wedding ceremony takes place there. Fit'ak
te: Showing the white mats
When
they come back from church, both sides present another osi.
Although they should change, nowadays the bride often stays in her
wedding gown and the groom in his suit. Next comes the fit'ak
te, the showing of white mats, first by the kau
fa, then the kau hani. The first
apei, the best one, is held toward
the 'a su of one's own side (iat'ak
se 'a su ta), and the woman (one of the two who are performing
the fit'ak te of the kau
fa) says "turo'" to
the kau fa's 'a
su, thus showing her the white mat that is to be the mamasa
for her. Then
the two women start spreading the apei
from the groom's side in front of the 'a su,
the newlywed couple, and the chiefs for all to see. Everybody is counting
to see how many apei are presented from each side, especially from the
bride's side, because they did not have a procession. As soon as they
finish spreading the apei from the
kau fa, the women fold them back up, without much care,
hastening to take them away. Once inside the house, they can fold
them properly. Then the bride's side displays their apei
in the same manner as that of the kau
fa's fit'ak te. The 'a su
watch carefully to see that the apei
shown to them (iat'aki) are the ones
they are given later as their mamasa. 'Ofiag
sope: Hair-cutting ritual
For
the 'ofiag sope, a new päega is prepared
in front of the one the couple have been sitting on, made of mats
from the sigoa of the groom and the sigoa
of the bride, one after the other. First, two women spread a big mat
(either agrua fiti or agrua ma);
it is the pupui (base mat) taken from
the lot prepared for the päega.
Then women bring in apei, followed by other mats: 'eap
hapa (with the same decoration as the apei);
'eap agrua fiti (if they have more);
'eap ma 'on faua; and an agrua
ma. They fold the agrua ma and
place it on top of the pupui, followed
by the other mats in reverse order of that in which they were carried
in, with the apei on top, and a cloth on top to protect it. Then the
bride comes and sits on the päega
of the sigoa of the kau fa. The
groom's sigoa (or a woman relative if the sigoa is a man) comes toward the bride carrying a pair
of scissors decorated with ribbons, which are lengthened by a long
cloth (or sometimes apei) carried by
a line of women holding it and dancing. When the sigoa
cuts a lock of hair, an apei should
be used to catch the hair. The sigoa
says "turo'" as she cuts the bit of hair (or just passes the
scissors over the head). The bride stands and returns to her original
seat while the women who brought in the special ofiag
sope päega take it away. Then the bride's sigoa
and her group come with their päega,
and the process is repeated for the groom. At
the end, the päega are exchanged and the sigoa
can take the mats if they wish, or leave them for their namesakes.
Sigoa who take back the päega
share the mats with those who came with them and helped make the koua for the 'ofiag sope. Fau
ta: Wrapping in mats
The
fau ta follows. The significance of
this ceremony is to show that the bride is a virgin. The bride's mother
and her relatives provide the apei. They spread a mat and an apei in front of her gagaj häl ta
(group of chiefs). Then the couple come and stand on it. The women
bring apei and separately wrap the bride and the groom in them.
Usually four women, two for each person, do the wrapping. As a rule
they wrap more mats around the bride, perhaps three for her and two
for the man. The apei made by the bride's
mother is called 'airoto (to cherish; to hopethat the bride really
is a virgin). The mother gives her daughter to her new husbandthe
culmination of all her years of care since the girl's birth. Her white
mat is the first to touch the bride's skin and is tied on with a cloth.
Another designation for this apei is
is käkä'e (fingertips), but
this term can be applied to an apei
from any close female relative. The other apei
(any amount) used to wrap the bride are the is
käkä'e of her other relativessisters, aunts,
and so on. Finally the women of the kau hani tie the mats with another cloth. In contrast,
they wrap the groom in any number of mats, tying just once. (They
do not wrap him if he has been married before.) Men from the kau
fa come and carry the couple to a place in front of the groom's
gagaj häl ta, where the groom's side has already
spread another mat and apei. The bride's
'a su leads them, carrying the 'at fara. [8]
Then
the four women from the groom's side remove the mats from the newlywed
couple and give them their change of clothes (osi).
Some of the osi given during the day are distributed as presents
to their friends after the wedding. [9]
Soon after the fau ceremony,
the women of the groom's side take the fau
mats to the groom's home for the u'u,
his closest relativesmother, father, uncles, and aunts. 'Ate
ta: The feast
Now
comes the feast ('ate ta). The men from the bride's side bring their
koua to the front in the same order as the groom's was:
kava, food, 'i'iniroasted whole
pigs, cut-up beef on hata, chicken
in baskets called fekei moa (because they are decorated like the fekei kopu, with feathers stuck on top), and cartons
of corned beeffekei, and te mafa. Meanwhile, the groom's koua
has been sitting out since morning. The portion for the bride's chief
(te'eita) is taken with mats to his home. The men of
the bride's side bring the 'umefe and
place them in front of the 'a su, the
couple, and the chiefs. The women who brought apei
are sitting in a line in the bridal ri hapa;
they are given fono and served on banana leaves spread on the mat they
are sitting on (they are not served on 'umefe).
The serving girls with their banana leaves, knives, and fans stand
behind the kava servers waiting for the call of the mafua,
after which they go to sit in front of the 'umefe,
the apei carriers, and other important
visitors. The
haian ne kava bring bowls (tano'a), apei (sor ne kav ta
any apei will do), and an ordinary
mat for them to sit on with the kava bowls. Each 'a
su has her own kava servers, as does the bride's chief and
the groom's chief. (If there are two 'a su
and two district chiefs, then there are four kava bowls and kava plants
at the wedding, one for each chief and each 'a
su.) The
fumarä'e is in charge of the food.
He directs the division of the food for the entire ceremony. If the
food is plentiful, he may divide it into four parts: one for each
sigoa, one for the kau
fa and one for the kau hani.
If he thinks not enough food is left, the fumarä'e
can divide it into three parts: two small portions for the two sigoa
and a large one for everybody else. When
the kava girls and the serving women are seated facing the 'umefe,
the four mafua (one for each of the
'a su and one each for the chiefs representing the two
sides) call for the fono to be brought
to the 'umefe. This is a noisy part of the ceremony because
all four mafua are calling out at the
same time. Each fono contains three
tela'a (root-crops) and a chicken. Every serving woman has a fono by her side to serve the person in front of her. At
this point the village mafua, who is sitting with the koua, calls out, "Kalog, te'eiate' täla
usia'afua sokoag taki te'" (Sirs, I am announcing the
chiefly food for the union of the two parties), followed by how much
of each item is in the koua: how many
pigs (hata), cows, chickens (raf
moa/fekei moa), cartons of corned beef; how many baskets of
tela'a; te mafa (baskets of fruit); and kava roots. He calls
out the amount of 'i'ini accurately,
but calls out the tela'a in hundreds
without regard for accuracy. After the mafua
has announced the amount of food prepared for the wedding feast by
both parties (bride's and groom's), it is time for manu'uag
ne kao ta (symbolic stabbing of the kava roots) and fakpej
(ceremonial speech). All four kava groups perform this part of the
ceremony simultaneously. Then
the men cut up the cooked pigs. They quickly cut the head off first,
and call out, "Te'eiate' vah'ia" (It is finished). This sentence
is called out for every pig whose head is severed, and the mafua responds each time, "Marie',
marie', marie'!" Afterward they cut the pigs into pieces
and take them to the various fono.
[10] Two men work on each pig, one
cutting, one carrying. Others cut up the beef, open tins of corned
beef, slice the fruit, and handle other food preparations. Meanwhile
the women servers turn the 'umefe upright
and lay out the food on the tables, and the kava mixers prepare the
kava. When
everything is ready, the village mafua
calls out "Marie', marie', marie'!"
Then the han ho kav ta claps
her hands and calls out: "Kavaitet te'"
(The kava is ready). The han agai
responds: "Ko sü'" (If
it is too strong, dilute it). Then the first server takes the bowl,
kneels, and says "Kava tauvia'" (to present) and the mafua names the person who will receive the first bowl
(the 'a su): "Kalog!
Rer ne kava fakaitet se [name of the 'a
su]." Just before the 'a su
takes the ipu is the time to say grace. Then, in announcing to
whom the kava is to be served, the mafua
says kava fakaitet to all district chiefs, kavaitet to subchiefs, and tau
kava to the rest, ending the presentation of kava bowls by
saying, "Tau se feu te', turo' kalog, ia' marie', marie', marie'!"meaning
that the mafua himself is to drink
the last bowl of kava. People
must wait for the kava to be served to all before they eat. When the
'a su start to eat, the rest can begin.
The 'a su should eat slowly, because
when they finish, everyone else must stop eating. A thoughtful 'a su gives the others enough time. The mafua watches. When the 'a su
finish, the mafua announces "'Ou sorot" or "Re
sor" (Wipe the hands). Then it is time for the women servers
to give the chiefs soro (coconut fibres)
or cloths to wipe their hands, and the kava servers take apei
(sor ne kav ta) first to the
'a su, then to the couple. The kava servers might also
bring two metres of cloth atop the apei
to dry the hands, along with perfume to spray the hands. They place
soro for the chiefs and other important visitors on top
of the drinking nuts under the 'umefe
until needed. While they are drinking and washing their hands, the
women servers put the food back in the baskets. After
the serving women clear and turn over the 'umefe
of the 'a su, then the other servers can turn over the rest
of the tables, one by one in order. The four mafua
announce that the feast is finished (tukuag
ne kav ta): Kalog; vah ne kava fakaitet se . . . ('a su, the couple,
all district chiefs) Vah ne kavaitet se . . . (gagaj häle) Vah ne kavat se gagaj 'atakoa 'og (all the rest) Keu se fa' la maür, kalog, ia' marie', marie', marie'! The
kava servers move out, followed by the serving women carrying the
remnants of the fono. The 'a su and the
chiefs take their leave after saying good-bye to the couple, while
the close relatives and the workers come to have their meal. Then
the kau fa bring, announce, and serve the a'vahiag su (final meal; literally, 'finishing the wedding'
for the workers) and the koua ne asi.
They do not serve these koua formally
like the previous one; they do not announce baskets designated for
specific people. After
eating, the women who served the chiefs take the remains of the fono
to their homes. Ordinary people sit outside on the ground and eat
off banana leaves loaded with food; their hosts tell them to take
the leftovers home. They wrap the leftovers in leaves (fan-palm [fakmaru]
is best) or plastic bags, because there are generally not enough baskets
for everybody. Mosega:
The marital bed
While
the workers and those who have not partaken of the wedding feast are
eating the two koua (a'vahiag su and
asi), the women from the groom's side make the bed for
the couple from the groom's mats, put up the mosquito net, tie up
the taga and put it by the bed, and fold a small mat and
a te hapa apei (half-sized white mat)
for a seat beside the back door for the groom to sit on. [11]
When the couple go to the groom's side after a few
days (na 'inoso), the bride's parents take the mats from this mosega and distribute them to thank the people who helped. Before
the wedding feast is served, the bride's relatives take the te
fakhanisi (the bride's mosega)
to the groom's home and make it into a bed. [12]
A subchief and close relatives of the groom await the
women who bring in the mats and prepare the bridal bed. Their main
task is to thank the mat carriers and to offer them soft drinks. This
mosega consists of several agrua,
called farao, topped by apei
and one mosquito net. The other mats come next, topped by the rest
of the apei, a bedspread, two pillows, and a mosquito net that
is hung. An 'at fara is tied to the
mosquito net at the foot of the bed. [13]
The bride's moseag hoa'hoa'
heta (a sala'a,[14]
'eap ma 'on faua, agrua ma, and mosquito net), which
the bride takes with her wherever she goes to sleep, can top the bridal
bed here when the couple are about to sleep, as well as when the new
couple come to the groom's home in na 'inoso.
The bride's attendants see to it. Na
'inoso: Visiting the groom's home
When
it is time for the na 'inoso, two koua are
prepared to accompany them. One is the haiho'aga
(a'aragi) and the other is the koua
ne asi (a'au). Young people who have been entertaining the
bride and groom for the last few days accompany them. A koua
is also made at the home that receives them and a feast is served
before the entertainers return home. A
few elderly women stay with the bride as her attendants. They look
after her moseag hoa'ho'a, spreading
the mats over the prepared bridal bed at night, and hanging the mosquito
net in place of the former one, which they take down. They act as
companions as well as advisers to the bride during her first visit
to the groom's home. When it is time for the couple to return to the
bride's home to stay, these attendants see to it that the moseag
hoa'ho'a is ready to accompany them back, and that the new
mosquito net is hung in place of the old one. The couple can spend
a few days at the groom's place before the final na
'inoso, when they go back to the bride's home to stay. The
groom takes his suitcase of clothes and his working tools with him
to his wife's home. Informal
Weddings
Sometimes marriages result from the boy's just going to stay at the girl's home (fu'u) or the girl's eloping with the boy, going to stay at his home (taupiri). In such cases, a wedding ceremony is very small (kat re faksu ra); they have no 'a su because they do not saio' su and generally they do not have a päega. For any wedding that is not a large-scale affair, the chief may attend but does not have to bring apei, mats, pig, or kava. Other than the church ceremony, and sometimes 'öf sope, they perform no marriage rituals. To show their respect, most parents give the chief te'eita (food) with apei (a good one) and mats, possibly on the fao te instead of on the wedding day; the brideÕs side may give chief uncooked food with a live pig or arag ne kau (one leg of beef) on such occasions. Notes
to Modern Marriage Customs [1]
The bride's side no longer takes
down, and the groom's side no longer puts up, the walls of the bride's
house. Instead, women decorate the wedding ri
hapa by draping it with long loops of colourful cloth. [2]
Here taga
refers to all the apei plaited by
the groom's close relatives for the wedding-night mosega,
including those that the women fold and put inside the actual taga (the apei that envelopes
the rest of the white mats). In the centre of the taga is the best apei:
the tö'rere for the 'a
su. [3]
Today people have started to economize
by eliminating unnecessary expenses. The bride's female companions
may be given lengths of cloth but do not change clothes because
now the osi is only given to the bride-to-be; it is too expensive
to clothe the others as well. People even consider the koua to take home (a'aragi)
as an unnecessary expense because the girl's party have already eaten, and because
transport today is fast, they do not need a picnic lunch on their
way back. [4]
Whenever an apei is taken somewhere, it must be accompanied by one
or more ordinary mats. An apei alone
is called "apei la' mama" (naked apei). [5]
"Ji
ofi ta'a" is a teasing remark made to young men, especially
those who are too shy to woo, on such occasions. It means that the
horses on which the young men rode into the village will eat the
ji (dracaena)leaves; it suggests
that the young men are not likely to be successful in their amorous
quests, that the only result will be that the ji
leaves (near the house) will all disappear! [6]
In place of the utu, the groom's side may provide tins of biscuits instead
of taro if his garden is not ready or too small, and a carton of
corned beef in place of a pig. They put the brown mat and apei
on top of these. [7]
Saho'a is a place in Noa'tau; any
fa 'es itu'u is referred to as coming
from there, especially if he is a known descendant of Fonman, a
famous sau. Subchiefs wearing red alludes to the red mala (waistbands) formerly worn by sau. [8]
This represents a change in custom.
Formerly it was not considered appropriate, because the 'at fara is symbolic of the soiled cloth and proof of
virginity. In the past they performed the fau
ceremony after the marriage was consummated, on the fourth day,
when the couple went to the groom's side. The bride's close relatives
carried her 'at fara, the kuruga,
and the moseag hoa'ho'a; the 'a su just walked in front, not carrying anything. [9]
In the past when weddings took place
over several days, the changes of clothes were for subsequent days,
each morning and evening, rather than all for one day. So these
days the changes of clothes represent the passage of time collapsed
into one day. [10] The arag
ne puaka (sections of the pig) are: the filo'
(head), the two arag riam (forelegs),
the two arag 'iok (hind legs), the two tua' hapa (ribs), the mür (backside),
and the sui tue' ta (backbone). [11] In the past, the groom was supposed
to sit on the seat prepared for him by his relatives. He did not
go walking around the house or do any work; he waited for meals
to be served, talked with and got to know his wife (whom he may
not have known, because marriages were arranged). Nowadays he doesn't
really have to sit there; the bride's people tell him, "This
is your home, you can go anywhere you like." It is customary,
however, for him to just sit there by the back door. (Ordinary people
enter each other's homes by the back door; only chiefs and other
important guests come in the front.) Because the groom is a new
member of the family, he behaves himself like a true Rotuman and
sits in the back to show respect. [12] Previously, before transport was
so readily available, the mats were taken with the couple when they
went to the groom's side (na 'inoso)
together with the mats for the fau.
[13] Today they put money inside the
'at fara instead of the traditional materials. [14] Sala'a
refers to an apei that someone has
already slept on or walked on. |